On a hot day in Berlin, who gets into the water is settled long before anyone reaches a lake. Access to open water isn't spread evenly across the city, it follows transport, income, and origin, laid over a century of segregation that ran economic, then racial, then quiet.
The largest lakes sit at the city's edge, in its most homogeneous, best-off districts, an afternoon and a car away. The dense, diverse districts in the centre, with the most reason to want somewhere cool and free, are the furthest from any shore. No one enforces this. Distance does the work.
It's the same question as the rest of the practice, at city scale: which bodies a system lets move, and which it keeps at the edge.
Start at city scale. Map where Berlin's lower-income and migrant residents live, then map where the open water is: the two barely overlap. The lakes sit at the periphery, in the most homogeneous districts. The density sits in the middle, furthest from any shore.
Then take one shore and ask how it got that way. Segregation at Tegel is old, and it stops being subtle the moment it's mapped, money built the imperial bathing resort and decided who could enter it, race decided access under National Socialism, and after reunification the sorting simply went quiet. Nobody is turned away now. The place just isn't built to make everyone feel expected, and it's an easy trip only if you drive.
Strandbad Tegeler See is where the pattern becomes a place, a protected landscape and a public swimming spot at the same time, and the two don't sit easily together. Some stretches sit empty; others are overwhelmed. Safety and access fall unevenly along the shore. What the plan zones and what people actually do rarely line up.
Getting there is the first filter. The nearest bus stop is closed; from the U-Bahn at Alt-Tegel it is twenty-five minutes by bus, or a sixteen-minute walk with no shade and no signage.
None of this is one party's failing. A place made for some and inherited by others carries the mismatch in its ground, in what is there, where, and for whom.
No single body runs a shoreline. This one sits in a field of actors, a district office, a property manager, a baths company, a school, volunteers, artists, the neighbourhood, each holding a different claim on the same strip of sand, and not all of them pulling the same way.
Mapping that field is how you find the opening. The public institutions own and operate the site; they don't reach the communities furthest from the water. A local NGO already does, it brings migrants, refugees and volunteers to this shore, which puts it in the one position from which the two can be connected. That is who the toolkit is built for.
It also shows what the work is up against. A right-wing party and its supporters sit in open opposition to the site, to the organisation, and to the people it brings there. The design lands in a contested field, not on neutral ground.
The response isn't a master plan. It's a kit, a floating swimming platform, changing rooms, a shelter and canopy, seating, picnic ground, each piece cheap to build, culture- and gender-aware, and made to be added to. A community organisation starts with one element and grows the rest.
Nothing here dictates a finished state; the design is completed by the people who use it, and keeps changing as they do. The smallest piece does the most, the changing rooms decide who feels able to step into the water at all.
Underneath the plan sits a programme, culture, recreation and renting, so the site can be run by the community that uses it rather than wait on a budget.
A shoreline is never only leisure. It's where a city decides, in public, who belongs.
When the people who design and decide don't look like the people who show up, that gap sets into the ground, in what gets built, and for whom. A democratic city is a design problem, not only a political one.